Terminology Tuesday: RANSOM OF PRISONERS

RANSOM of PRISONERS. This was one of the forms of Christian charity and assistance (see Works of Aid and Charity), according to Tertullian: “the care that we take for the needy and our commitment to works of charity have become a sign that distinguishes us among our opponents” (Apol. 39,7). And he added that the monthly voluntary collection that was taken in the community served, among other things, to help those who were in prison: “if some of our people are in the mines, the islands or prisoners in some way, condemned solely for their adherence to the church of God, they earn the right to be assisted by their companions in the faith” (Apol. 39,6). Justin Martyr similarly affirmed that the collections served the needs of the prisoners (1 Apol. 67). As early as the gospel of Matthew mention is made of how it is a work of charity to visit those in prison (Mt 25:36, 39, 43). The first form, therefore, of care for prisoners pertained to those who were imprisoned for the faith, a form that was attested to by the most ancient Christian texts. The author of the letter to the Hebrews writes: “For you took part in the prisoners’ suffering” (10:34; cf., 13:3; cf. Clement of Rome, Ep. Cor. 59,4 and 55,2; Ign., Smyrn. 6,2). The ransoming of prisoners was one of the Christian virtues (Hermas, Mand. 8,10). Aristides wrote the following: “when they know that one of their own is in prison or is being persecuted for the name of their Christ, all take to heart his pains, and if possible to free him; money is no object to attain this goal” (Apol. 15).

To visit those in prison was a normal practice for consoling them and alleviating their pains, an obligation even for married Christian women (Tertullian, Ad ux. 2,4). Even the pagan Lucian of Samosata, in his satirical work, attests to how much care Christians took to serve Peregrinus who was in prison (De morte Per. 1–16). At times, the Christians had to pay to visit those in prison: Thecla had to bribe the guards to visit Paul (Acta Pauli 18: ed. Erbetta 2, 261), something that must have been rather common (see Lucian, De morte Per. 12; Eus., HE 5,1,61; Passio Perp. 3,7). The care of Christian prisoners was consistent; at times it was even criticized for the excessive attention given to them (Tertullian, De ieun. 12), not only for those locked up in prison, but also for those condemned to the mines and exile (see Cyprian, Ep. 66–70). In the 2nd c., *Dionysius of Corinth praised Pope Soter and the Roman church for their commendable tradition of helping others and even Christians condemned to the mines (Eus., HE 4,23,10). The Didascalia Apostolorum, from the 3rd c., exhorted Christians not to overlook any means necessary to aid prisoners (19; see Apos. Con. V, 1–2). The bishop of Rome possessed a list of those to assist who had been condemned to the mines in Sardinia and in certain cases even obtained their freedom (Philosoph. 4,7). Eusebius wrote that Licinius prohibited Christians from caring for those who were in prison (HE 10,8).

Another expression of Christian charity was the ransom of prisoners of war, pirates or barbarian invasions, because when civilians were captured, it represented an opportunity for their captors to acquire great wealth by selling them as slaves. The captivus could volunteer to loan himself for money, which he then had to pay back in some way, or rather had to obtain help from his family and friends. Roman law conflicted with the redemptio (buying back) of prisoners practiced by Christians. The Christians also highly regarded this work of charity and solidarity. At Rome, as early as the 2nd c., *Hermas considered ransom “of the servants of God” a work of mercy (Mand. 8,10). Cyprian sent a hundred thousand sesterces collected in the communities to help the Christians of Numidia for the ransom of prisoners and said that he was ready to give more through the generosity of the Christians of Carthage: “if this were to occur again, until now you have counted on their voluntary and large contribution” (Ep. 62,4). Lactantius considered the ransom of prisoners an action of great kindness (Div. Inst. 6,12,39; Epitome 65). We see how this work of charity was put in practice after the disaster of Hadrianopolis, for example, at Milan: Ambrose took the initiative to sell the church’s sacred vessels; and not just this, he also offered an extensive justification for his work of charity (De off. 2,15,70: PL 16, 129; esp. 2,28,136–143; see 2,15,50ff.: PL 16, 129). The criticisms must have been very strong against this use of sacred vessels. Nevertheless, his action was a model for future generations.

Ambrose was able to throw it in the face of the pagan *Symmachus that the pagan temples had no concern for works of charity: “let them tell us how many prisoners the temples have ransomed, how many times they have come to the aid of the poor, how many exiles they have helped with financial support” (Ep. 18: PL 16, 977). *Augustine did the same in Africa (see Possidius, Vita Aug. 24,15). In the 4th c., the church of Cappadocia also recalled the assistance sent by the church of Rome for the ransom of prisoners during the Gothic invasion of the mid-3rd c. (*Basil, Ep. 70 to Pope Damasus). Pinianus and Melania even sold their own property for the redemption of prisoners (Gerontius, Vita Melaniae 20: SC 90, pp. 168–169). It is interesting and significant that the imperial authorities required Christian priests, as an obligation, to focus on the ransom of prisoners, with a law of 408 (CTh 6,7,2). In Late Antiquity, the commitment to the ransom of prisoners of war was considered one of the obligations of a good bishop (*Julian Pomerius, De vita 1,25: PL 59, 440; Vita Honorati 20; Vita Paulini 6: PL 53, 862–863; *Avitus of Vienne, Ep. 35; Venantius Fortunatus, Carmina 4,8,23–24; etc.). Patricius wrote that it was a typical custom for Christians to spend their money for ransoming baptized prisoners (Ep. ad Corot. 14: SC 249, 144–166). Klingshirn studied the works of charity performed by *Caesarius of Arles for the ransom of prisoners after the wars between the Franks and the Burgundians on the one hand, and the Ostrogoths and the Visigoths on the other during the years 506–507. Likewise at the end of the 6th c., *Gregory the Great made reference to the need for the ransom of prisoners during the invasion of the Longobards (Ep. 7,23 and 23; 9,17; Dialogues 2,1).

DACL 2, 2112–2127; C. Osiek, The Ransom of Captives. Evolution of a Tradition: HTR 74 (1981) 365–386; W.E. Klingshirn, Charity and Power: Caesarius of Arles and the Ransoming of Captives in Sub-Roman Gaul: JRS 75 (1985) 183–193; P. van Minnem, Prisoners of War and Hostages in Graeco-Roman Egypt: JJP 30 (2000) 155–163 (the Christian part 158ff.); L. Amirante, Appunti per la storia della “redemptio ab hostibus”: Labeo 3 (1957) 7–59; 171–220; G. De Gregorio, Cesario di Arles e la redemptio dei captivi infideles. Vita Caesarii I, 3–33: Cristianesimo nella storia 26 (2005) 671–682.
A. DI BERARDINO

Di Berardino, A. (2014). Ransom of Prisoners. In A. Di Berardino & J. Hoover (Eds.), J. T. Papa, E. A. Koenke, & E. E. Hewett (Trans.), Encyclopedia of Ancient Christianity (Vol. 3, pp. 374–376). Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic; InterVarsity Press.